Introduction and background

The issue of human trafficking has emerged as a significant concern in Bangladesh in recent years (Moniruzzaman, 2021; Rahim, 2019). Trafficking, regardless of the methods used, can be considered a flagrant violation of human rights and a grave offence against the ideals of human rights and dignity (Hoq et al., 2013; Moniruzzaman, 2021). Human trafficking is a highly lucrative illicit enterprise in Bangladesh. According to Sarkar and Panday's (2006) research, human trafficking and arms business constitute Bangladesh's second-largest criminal enterprise worldwide. Biswas (2015) asserts that while the mode and manner of trafficking may vary across different temporal, spatial, and environmental contexts, the fundamental components remain constant.

Multiple academic studies on human trafficking have demonstrated that within the past three decades, more than one million women and children have been trafficked from Bangladesh (Hoq et al., 2013; Moniruzzaman, 2021; Rahim, 2019). As per the report by UNICEF, an estimated 400 women, and children in Bangladesh are subjected to trafficking every month. This information has been cited by Rahim (2019), Rosy (2016), and Biswas (2015). It is exceedingly challenging to ascertain the total magnitude of human trafficking. Global estimates indicate that a mere 0.04% of trafficking cases are identified, with most remaining undetected.

Globally, each year, millions of women and young girls are subjected to trafficking for forced labor, domestic servitude, and sexual exploitation. Several studies of human trafficking indicate that one of the primary victims of human trafficking is China, where 25% of people live under modern slavery, being involved in sex slavery and forced labor. According to US State Department, annually, 57,700 people are being trafficked in the United States, and 70% are for sexual exploitation (Moniruzzaman, 2021). As per the International Labor Organization, there is a global prevalence of 4.8 million individuals subjected to forced commercial sexual exploitation, with a disproportionate majority of these individuals being female. The Asia–Pacific region is estimated to account for 73% of these victims. Trafficking for sexual exploitation makes up 50% of trafficking cases globally, representing 92% of detected victims. According to the University of Nottingham Rights Lab (2021), there was a notable decrease in the proportion of trafficking cases closely associated with sex trafficking between 2016 and 2018, with figures dropping from 59% to approximately 50%. Over the past twenty years, there has been a significant surge in the incidence of trafficked women and children in South Asia, which is a cause for concern. The statistics of 2017 revealed that 8759 human trafficking cases affecting 10,615 victims were reported to hotlines operated by the Polaris Project. Of these, 71% were sex trafficking cases, 15% were labor trafficking cases, 4% were sex and labor trafficking cases, and 10% were unspecified. Of the 10,074 survivors of known gender, 85% were female, 14% were male, and 0.6% were minorities (Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-based Violence, 2018).

The underlying factors that contribute to trafficking include significant wealth disparities, class-based inequalities, gender biases that are pervasive across various regions, the erosion of traditional family systems and values, inadequate transparency, insufficient enforcement of internationally agreed-upon human rights standards, and the substantial profits that traffickers stand to gain (Mohapatra, 2015; Danailova & Laczko, 2010). In addition, it has been posited that the occurrence of women trafficking in Bangladesh can be attributed to factors such as unemployment, domestic violence, and a dearth of employment prospects (Ashraf, 2018). Despite the government of Bangladesh's persistent efforts, it has been unable to curb the issue of human trafficking effectively. Furthermore, the scope of advocacy and awareness initiatives undertaken by non-governmental organizations and multilateral agencies is notably restricted, as indicated by the Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies in 2011. In Bangladesh, trafficking is observed to occur both internally and externally; however, a significant proportion of trafficking incidents are observed to be cross-border in nature (Thomas, 2011). Due to its high population density, Bangladesh has a heightened susceptibility to human trafficking, particularly among its female population. Females are subjected to trafficking in neighboring nations predominantly for sexual exploitation, bonded labor, or domestic servitude. Individuals who fall prey to trafficking are subjected to physical and psychological abuse, which negatively impacts their socio-economic status, diminishes their self-esteem and confidence, and limits their potential (Sarowar, 2014).

For a considerable period, Bangladesh has been primarily recognized as a country of origin for individuals who become victims of cross-border trafficking. According to Sarkar and Panday (2006), the illicit trade of Bangladeshi women began in 1976, coinciding with the initiation of male and female labor migration to Middle Eastern nations. The study further estimates 300,000 women and girls between the ages of 20 and 30 were trafficked to India within the past decade. The covert nature of trafficking and limited legal action result in underestimating human trafficking figures in crime statistics (Rahman, 2011). According to official records, the number of trafficking cases identified by the Bangladesh Police in 2017 amounted to 778; in 2018, this figure decreased to 561. During the period spanning from September 2016 to February 2018, the Bangladesh Police documented a thousand instances of human trafficking, apprehended two thousand hundred individuals, and identified thousand one hundred victims.

Victims of human trafficking are subjected to severe physical and psychological maltreatment upon arrival in the host nations. According to Gazi et al. (2001), trafficking is a component of a larger spectrum of sexual exploitation that sustains and reinforces the subordinate status of women. Individuals subjected to human trafficking experience various forms of maltreatment, such as physical and emotional abuse, sexual assault, intimidation directed toward themselves and their loved ones, and even fatality (Amin, 2011). Victims of human trafficking completely lost their freedom and dignity under coercion. In addition, it has been noted that individuals who fall victim to trafficking are often denied the chance to engage in educational pursuits and cultivate their social and cognitive abilities, thereby impeding their ability to attain their maximum potential (Hossain & Nipa, 2019). The intricate legal status and linguistic obstacles encountered by trafficking victims engender stress and emotional trauma in response to the prospect of arrest or actual arrest. The victim may also be subjected to physical violence by law enforcement officials during raids. Trafficking victims are also exposed to different psychological stressors. They suffer from social alienation in the host and destination countries. The challenges of reintegrating into local communities are compounded by stigmatization, social exclusion, and intolerance.

Moreover, it is common for governments to provide limited aid and welfare programs to individuals who have been subjected to trafficking upon their repatriation. Further, if any woman or girl is trafficked to work in a brothel or sexual exploitation, the possibility of infection with a sexually transmitted disease or HIV will undoubtedly be high. Moreover, Rosy (2016) posits that reintegrating into a larger community may challenge her.

A number of studies on human trafficking in Bangladesh have identified various factors contributing to the trafficking of women, such as poverty, gender discrimination, patriarchal social system, natural disasters, illiteracy, lack of awareness, social exclusion, false job promises, desire for better lifestyle and a weak governance system (Banarjee, 2020a, 2020b; Hoq et al., 2013; Rahman, 2011; Anwary, 2007; Sarker & Pandey, 2006; Gazi et al., 2001). Rahman (2023), in his work, attempted to identify the causes of human trafficking and concluded that poverty, illiteracy, social inequality, and unemployment contribute to the prevalence of human trafficking in Bangladesh. However, he used secondary literature to conduct the study. On the other hand, the study of Ferdous (2023) was mainly conducted on the current trends and legal responses to the Trafficking of Women and Children from Bangladesh, yet the research is based on qualitative analysis, utilizing existing information collected from various sources such as journal articles, books, and newspapers. Sakib (2019) emphasized the theoretical explanation of sex trafficking for women and children through a secondary literature review and attempted to link the Routine Activity Theory to explain the vulnerability of women and children through the process of trafficking. Using the data from the newspapers, the study by Ferdous (2019) focused more on the mental and physical abuse that the victims faced in the trafficking process. Rahim (2019) attempted to provide an overview of human trafficking in Bangladesh, focusing on the victims, causes, and process of trafficking and demonstrated the transit of trafficking from Bangladesh to other countries using secondary sources of data. Banarjee (2020a, 2020b) attempts to discuss the issue of women trafficking in Bangladesh through the theoretical lens of feminism and explains the effect of globalization on women trafficking. The study uses qualitative methods, and data has been gathered through relevant books, articles and secondary sources.

However, the majority of the research did not use primary sources to determine the factors of trafficking, and largely relied on the literature and unofficial statistics. To fill this gap, the current study employed a primary method to obtain data from respondents and discovered the similarities between secondary data and their findings from primary data. Besides, no studies have emphasized the theoretical notion of Marginalization theory and Routine Activity theory to interpret the narratives from the women and link theory with practice.

Considering the limitations of previous studies, the researchers assumed that unveiling the nexus of trafficking and exploring the socio-economic determinants, victimization forms, and psychological impacts on women in Bangladesh would be an essential contribution to understanding the current problem widely. Moreover, informing the readers, government and service providers about the intensity of trafficking in Bangladesh could help them to take further initiatives to reduce the number of women trafficking in the country in future. Furthermore, the findings of the study may provide a more comprehensive understanding of the real story of victimization for trafficking. Notably, the current study offers an original perspective on the subject of women's trafficking, which can provide valuable insights to policymakers, practitioners, scholars, and the general public.

The present study incorporates the definition of human trafficking from The Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Act, 2012, Bangladesh. According to Sect. "Methodology of the Study" of the act "human trafficking" refers to the selling or buying, recruiting or receiving, deporting or transferring, sending or confining, or harbouring of any person, either inside or outside the territory of Bangladesh, for the purpose of sexual exploitation, labour exploitation, or any other form of exploitation or oppression. This may occur by means of threats or the use of force; deception; abuse of the individual's socio-economic, environmental, or other vulnerabilities; or through the giving or receiving of money or benefits to procure the consent of a person in control of the victim. However, the focus of this study is to investigate the issue of victims of sex trafficking in Bangladesh.

The current study is guided by the theoretical lens of the Marginalization theory and Routine Activity Theory for a number of reasons. The notion of marginalization theory examines the particular group of individuals who face disadvantages due to their socio-cultural, political, and economic backgrounds. People who are marginalized are excluded, disregarded, and overlooked in society, the economy, and the law makes them vulnerable to different levels of victimization (Mowat, 2015; Nabila & Noviana, 2021; Varghese, 2022). Considering the above, the study relates how the women's age, gender, socioeconomic status, empowerment and lifestyle choices could be a potential reason for their victimization by trafficking. The study also attempts to understand that a number of women in Bangladesh are excluded from the opportunities of society and even from their families due to their marginal position, which is largely decided based on their gender, empowerment status, economy and residence. The perpetrator of trafficking finds it easier to access these women and finds them to be an appealing target because of their marginal status and vulnerability. Huda et al. (2022) in their studies, demonstrated how economically and socially marginalized women and girls in Bangladesh are frequently trapped and sold by the traffickers and most vulnerable for trafficking (Huda et al., 2022). Furthermore, in the Indian cultural context, Gray (2018) in her studies identified that marginalized women are more prone to human trafficking (Gray, 2018). In the context of America, Horan and Beauregard (2017), in their studies, explored that rather than the broader public, marginalized groups of women were more likely to be victims of such trafficking (Horan & Beauregard, 2017).

On the other hand, according to Cohen and Felson's (1979) Routine Activity Theory, criminals decide whether or not to conduct crimes depending on factors such as having access to a suitable target and having capable guardianship that may have negative consequences for them (Kramar, 2011). In order to commit a crime, these three things need to happen for a crime: a motivation to commit the crime, a suitable target, and the lack of capable guardians (Branic, 2015; Garbor, 2009; Adler, 2008). The application of Routine Activity Theory in our current study could be better understood from the key outcomes, where women and girls living in broken families, distressed about their lives, looking for a job, and migrating from rural to urban areas became more suitable targets for being trafficked. In addition, the rise of the commercial sex industry and the tourist sector in both Bangladesh and India made them more vulnerable to sexual exploitation and trafficking. Additionally, a rising number of spas, clubs, and hotels throughout the world, and South Asian region have created a significant demand for young women and girls (Amin, 2011) Organized criminal syndicates being motivated to work actively trafficking women and girls, with offer of the lucrative amount of money (Radović, 2007; Ruhi, 2003). Furthermore, sometimes, the lack of border security surveillance provides the perpetrators an opportunity to commit such crimes (Islam & Hossain, 2014).

Considering the above facts, the current study addresses the following research questions: What factors influence women trafficking in Bangladesh? The study's specific objectives are to examine to what extent social class, poverty, empowerment, education and areas of residence affect women trafficking in Bangladesh, to identify the social, structural and legal factors of trafficking in Bangladesh and to determine the sufferings and psychological implications of the victims.

Methodology of the study

The study employed an exploratory research design to gather data on women trafficking. The research was carried out employing in-person, comprehensive interviews with women trafficking victims and Key Informant Interviews (KII) with stakeholders directly or indirectly associated with the concerns of women trafficking in Bangladesh. The research utilized an interpretive paradigm and employed a qualitative methodology.

The logic behind introducing exploratory research design in the current study is to understand the issue of trafficking more thoroughly, it is done as part of an exploratory project that aims to understand a problem or topic better, define its dimensions, or develop a general idea into a more focused research question (Leavy, 2014). Besides, social science researchers use exploratory research to better understand a problem. The method, which is also known as interpretive or grounded theory research, aims to provide insights that can serve as the basis for more focused future research rather than producing definitive findings (Creswell, 2016).

The study employed an interpretive paradigm because interpretivism is grounded on the premise that reality is subjective, plural, and socially produced. This paradigm comprehends an individual's reality through their unique experience, which their historical or social perspective can influence, differing from others (Leavy, 2014; Tracy, 2019). As we were investigating women’s experiences of human trafficking, this paradigm offered us a better lens to understand their stories and interpret them accordingly. Interpretive paradigms utilize questions and observation to comprehensively understand the topic under investigation and are directly linked with qualitative data collection methods (Cresswell, 2016; Given, 2008). Additionally, an interpretive paradigm is ideal for delving into the underlying causes of interconnected or multifarious social processes (Mack et al., 2005).

This study focuses on a group of women who were victims of trafficking from Bangladesh and were repatriated by the Bangladesh National Women Lawyers Association (BNWLA) between January 2020 and December 2021. Throughout that particular timeframe, the BNWLA facilitated the repatriation of a collective sum of 55 female individuals. The BNWLA repatriated 13 women in 2021 and 42 women in 2020. The study focused on the Dhaka Metropolitan area as the chosen location. Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, boasts a population of over 22 million, rendering it one of the most densely populated regions in the country (The Daily Star, 2021).The TIP report reveals that the Bangladesh government identified 240 trafficking victims in 2023, including 115 victims of sex trafficking, 92 victims of forced labour, and 33 victims of unspecified trafficking categories. Civil society and international organisations reported identifying at least 6,781 trafficking victims in 2023, including 961 victims of sex trafficking, 3,764 victims of labour trafficking, and 2,056 victims of unspecified trafficking kinds. In both cases, Dhaka was designated as the most trafficking-prone region in Bangladesh, marked by high victimisation rates (U.S. Department of State, 2023). Additionally, Farhana and Abdul (2024) determined that Dhaka, as the capital, experiences elevated trafficking rates attributable to its large population density and socio-economic difficulties. The Bangladesh National Women Lawyers’ Association (BNWLA) also identified Dhaka as one of the most susceptible regions for trafficking in their 2019 report.

The susceptibility of women trafficking in Bangladesh is primarily attributed to various factors, including but not limited to the swift expansion of industries and garment factories, unregulated urbanization, a significant influx of rural migrants, the presence of organized crime syndicates and gang factions, and inadequate monitoring mechanisms and communication infrastructures. Dhaka, in particular, has been identified as the most vulnerable location for such illicit activities. According to a report by The Daily Star (2021), the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) successfully intervened a few months ago to prevent the trafficking of 23 women and girls from different locations within the Dhaka Metropolitan area. According to a report by Aljazeera News, it was reported that a group of 11 traffickers were apprehended in the Dhaka Metropolitan region a few months ago. The group allegedly enticed women and girls into the sex industry in India through various social media platforms. (Aljazeera, 2021). The Dhaka Metropolitan area was selected as the study site due to the notable surge in human trafficking occurrences in the region in recent times. Besides, recent traffickers in this area work as a gang group and use diversified techniques that are more complex and not explored previously.

Women trafficked from various areas of the Dhaka Metropolitan Area and repatriated by BNWLA between January 2020 and December 2021 were included in the list of study participants; for the study, two years had been selected as the time frame. A restriction from BNWLA revealed the list of previous years, considering the issue's sensitivity. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed challenges in efficiently reaching a more significant number of victims within a limited timeframe. Among the 55 respondents, 14 individuals trafficked from the Dhaka Metropolitan area were identified and repatriated by the Bangladesh National Women Lawyers Association (BNWLA). So, we included all 14 respondents through census sampling to determine the sample size in my study. Out of the total of 14 respondents, it was found that 2 participants were not reachable at their subsequent address. Finally, the total number of respondents was 12 in this study. Given the qualitative nature of the study, the interview was conducted using semi-structured questionnaires. The data was obtained via in-person, comprehensive interviews with the study participants. The addresses of the women trafficking victims were collected from the Bangladesh National Women Lawyer's Association (BNWLA) with full consent and maintaining the proper application process. Within the context of BNWLA, a comprehensive record was compiled consisting of instances about the repatriation of women and girls, as well as any grievances related to the issue of human trafficking concerning the female gender. From such a list of BNWLA, the address of the victim women was taken into consideration, considering the location and time frame.

Due to the access issue to previous data and the participants' sensitivity, the researchers could not access the data before the period. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges in efficiently reaching a large number of victims within a limited timeframe. Considering all of the limitations and challenges, the study finally included 12 participants, representing a qualitative study in social sciences. Getting access to victims of women trafficking for research is always a challenging issue for researchers. It is essential to protect the privacy, confidentiality, sensitivity and ethical standards of collecting data while conducting research on such sensitive topics. The current research encounters a similar challenge and thereby confirms the sample size, taking into account all of the access and ethical challenges. Sometimes, including more participants in such research may have an effect on the mental condition of the victims and reliving past traumatic histories.

The study participants were contacted via telephone based on the trafficking victim list. Before conducting the study, consent was obtained from the guardians of the participants. Despite the participants being aged 19 to 23, it was important for the researchers to obtain consent from the guardians of the victims, who were the parents. Considering the socio-cultural context of Bangladesh, it is difficult to interview a female victim directly without her guardian's consent. Most often, guardians must be approached first to secure their permission to access the victim and conduct interviews. Once the parents grant permission, it becomes easier for the researcher to engage with the victims.

The appointment was taken considering the convenient time of the respondent's family, and out of the 14 individuals listed by BNWLA, 12 consented to participate in the interview. Prior consent was obtained prior to initiating communication with the victim, and due consideration was given to the privacy concerns of the victim during the interview process, regardless of their ability to communicate. The study of human behaviour reveals that individuals exhibit specific patterns when posing inquiries while also demonstrating a tendency to avoid specific questions that may elicit negative emotions such as frustration or embarrassment. It was also ensured that the address and name of the victim were not asked, and their identities remained hidden from everyone. The data were gathered non-coercively and at a time that was convenient for the participants. The interviews were conducted between March 15th and March 25th, 2022, lasting between 40 and 50 min.

The research adhered to rigorous ethical standards. Before the interview, a document containing pertinent information for the participant, known as the Participant Information Sheet, was created and provided to them. The researchers also formulated a consent form for participants to ascertain their voluntary agreement to partake in the study. Because of the study's sensitivity, participation in this research was voluntary. If a participant expressed a desire to abstain from involvement in the study, they were allowed to decline participation or discontinue their involvement at any point prior to preparing the work for publication without being required to explain. The participant needed help to respond to research inquiries within the study's framework. To exhibit deference towards the participants' involvement in the research process, they were requested to designate a suitable location and time for the interview.

In order to confirm that each participant was willing and voluntarily, verbal informed consent was sought before the interview began. To ensure openness, an audio recording of this spoken consent was made. Depending on the participant's preference, the interview was either audio recorded or thoroughly documented using comprehensive notes. It is acknowledged that some participants might not feel at ease having the audio of the interview recorded, and this choice was acknowledged. Before beginning to record the interview, the participant's consent was obtained. Participants were asked if they wanted their contributions to be acknowledged or if they wanted their identities removed from the interview transcripts.

Using a standard set of open-ended questions and the semi-structured interview approach, we included the issues (a) the participants' experiences of trafficking, d, (b) their victimization pattern, c) the process of rescuing, and d) their experience of abuse e) support from the agencies.

Researchers used the Bengali questionnaire to facilitate the interview in a meaningful way. Since the country's local language is Bengali and is widely spoken by the inhabitants, the researcher constructed the Bengali questionnaire first and then translated the questionnaire into English with the support of a language translator and the researcher’s own translation skills. The responses were then translated to English at the end of the data collection; the assigned translator was hired to confirm the quality of the transcription and maintain the proper process. It should be noted that due to privacy and confidentiality concerns, identifying information was removed from the Bengali transcription to confirm the ethical issue during the translation process.

Furthermore, any publications from the project will ensure the anonymity of personal identities through pseudonyms, and no participant-identifying information will be divulged. In summary, it is possible to identify only a limited number of reports or papers related to the project.

The study adhered to the data analysis and coding methodologies recommended by Creswell (2016), Esterberg (2002), and Braun and Clarke (2014). The approach consists of six stages: Step 1: Arrange and prepare the data for analysis. Step 2: Review the data on page 185. Step 3: Initiate in-depth analysis by coding on page 186. Step 4: Utilize coding to create a description of the setting or individuals, along with categories for analysis. Step 5 involves detailing how the themes will be depicted in the qualitative narrative, while Step 6 focuses on interpreting the data's significance. The process of thematic analysis is used in this study to delve further into a text and concentrate on identifying themes and specific topics.

By ascertaining the data in Microsoft Excel and following the stages of coding, identifying variables, sub-themes and themes, we could compare the themes with the data and ascertain the connections between the notions. We connected and developed several themes from the observations and interviews using thematic analysis to characterize elements connected to human trafficking (Miles & Huberman, 1994). In addition, the procedure made it possible for us to classify and code the various thematic levels (Braun & Clarke, 2006), allowing us to link the themes together and construct a plausible and logical chain of evidence (Creswell, 2016; Braun & Clarke, 2006; Miles & Huberman, 1994).

Discussion and analysis

Causes of women trafficking in Bangladesh

The process of trafficking is characterized by a sequence of events involving various actors and influenced by a range of factors. According to Rahman (2011), the interconnection between the supply and demand sides constitutes a chain. According to Biswas (2015), human trafficking is not a standalone occurrence but is linked to several socio-economic factors. The etiology of trafficking is multifaceted and intricate. In the cases of human trafficking, some driving factors lead people on the path of human trafficking. Human trafficking is a phenomenon that can be attributed to a combination of pull and push factors. Push factors force the victim to follow the road of vulnerabilities and create a trafficking-like environment. According to Rahman (2011), pull factors may create deceptive expectations and delusions, leading to the exploitation of individuals in the host nations. Various factors, such as limited employment prospects, diminished social standing of women, economic and social susceptibilities faced by women, urbanization, and migration, among others, may contribute to the issue. Besides, pull factors support the demand for trafficking activities. Hoq et al., (2013) identified several factors contributing to labor exploitation, including wage employment and bonded labor, labor migration, prostitution, and cultural myths. The patriarchal societal structure, which is exploitative, imposes limitations on women's access to land and employment opportunities, resulting in their subordination and discriminatory practices. This often compels impoverished women to migrate from one place to another, ultimately leading to instances of women trafficking in Bangladesh (Anwary, 2007).

Women of lower socio-economic condition consist of greater victimization

The examination of the ages of the victims indicates a distinct pattern, with the age of 21 being the most frequent, followed by 23. Additionally, there is a notable presence of persons who are 22 and 19 years old, with an equal distribution. Each participant in the research is between the ages of 19 and 23, with the minimum age being 19.

Findings also demonstrate that the victims possessed varying levels of education. The majority completed eighth grade, but a few additionally completed high school or primary school. This indicates that the victims possessed diverse educational backgrounds.

The age and education of the victims are important because the study identified that women of young age and having lower education have the highest rate of victimization of trafficking. One of the participants in the study, identified by the pseudonym Tanu, expressed that,

“In numerous instances, traffickers exploit young girls and women, such as myself, who are illiterate or possess limited education.” Such women possess limited understanding of their lives yet harbor significant aspiration. They can be readily entrapped by traffickers.’’.

The outcome of our study is also linked with a number of studies; for example, the study of Sarkar and Pandey (2006) showed that girls and women belonging to the age group of twelve to twenty-five years were more victims of sexual exploitation and trafficking. Similarly, in line with our present study, the studies of Alraibe (2022) and Matijašević and Dragojlović (2021) concluded that women with a limited education level and limited income were more prone to human trafficking.

The participants of the current study belong to a socio-economic stratum characterized by limited financial resources and lower levels of education, with some even lacking basic literacy skills. Alaribe (2022), in her study in the context of Nigeria, also explored that women who are economically disadvantaged, older, or female are more subject to becoming victims of human trafficking. Furthermore, the main statements of the marginalization theory explicitly align with the current study's findings considering the lower socio-economic condition, empowerment status, educational attainment, and housing arrangements belonging to a marginalized group in society. Research has also revealed that disadvantaged women and children are more vulnerable to trafficking due to their disadvantaged status, limited economic prospects, and overrepresentation in informal sectors (Ruhi, 2003; William & Brown, 2022).

Throughout the trafficking period, an examination of familial employment statuses revealed a range of occupational scenarios. Specifically, the spouses of three victims were identified as unemployed, with one exhibiting an inconsistent work history. The employment status of their father also indicates that victims were born and raised in a lower-income group family, three of the participants’ fathers’ professions were day laboring, two were driving local transport, and rest of their fathers were engaged with masonry, farming small land, work mechanics, and entrepreneurial ventures, and two were unemployed but surviving from aid by neighborhood. A notable finding of the study revealed that none of the family members of the victims possessed secondary education or advanced academic credentials. In this study, all the individuals belonged to a socio-economic stratum characterized by limited financial resources and lower levels of education, with some even lacking basic literacy skills. Women who are economically disadvantaged, older, or female are more susceptible to becoming victims of human trafficking (Alaribe, 2022). The marginalization theory can effectively explicate the present scenario. All participants in this study are members of the marginalized group in our society. Their socio-economic condition, work situation, educational attainment, and housing arrangements all indicate that they belong to a marginalized group in our society.

Lack of family support and attachment increases the greater risk of victimization

Most of the subjects in this study were from nuclear family structures, while two were from broken family structures, which means their parents were divorced in their childhood. In instances of familial fragmentation, individuals who have experienced victimization have historically resided with their maternal grandparents and stepfather. In both instances, the stepfather's inappropriate behavior toward them inflicted psychological distress and coerced them into making familial contributions. The presence of a step-parent has been found to increase an individual's susceptibility to becoming a victim of trafficking. According to Rahman's (2011) research, individuals may become susceptible to human trafficking due to gender discrimination, dysfunctional family dynamics, and the presence of step-parents. In addition, circumstances characterized by discord, a coercive mindset among kin, stringent child-rearing practices, maltreatment, and prejudice can heighten women's susceptibility to trafficking. Monika, a pseudonym used in the study, was subjected to severe mistreatment and prejudice by her parents, resulting in significant limitations being imposed upon her. Despite being employed as a garment worker, she experienced severe financial hardship. She said,

“My family imposed strong restriction over my movement. I used to hand over my entire salary to my father and I had to go through economic crisis. They never care about me, my ambition, or my wishes. I doubted whether they love me or not. They used to beat me several times and I was hopeless.”

This scenario exhibits resemblances to the perspective of radical feminism. The Radical Feminist theoretical framework posits that women's subjugation primarily stems from societal norms and institutional arrangements founded on male dominance and patriarchy (Mackay, 2015). Monika's father enforced limitations on her mobility and exerted control through dominant and authoritative behavior within their household. Moreover, various studies conducted in the realm of trafficking have unambiguously demonstrated that Bangladesh's pre-existing patrilineal family structure renders women highly susceptible to trafficking (Sarkar & Panday, 2006; Amin, 2011). In Tanu (pseudonym) and Mariyam (pseudonym), their spouses were unemployed and habitually subjected them to financial abuse. In Sristy's (pseudonym) instance, her spouse was afflicted with drug addiction and subjected her to financial abuse. The present study found that the families of most of the victims exhibited dysfunctional characteristics, low levels of support, abusive tendencies, and poor attachment, all of which significantly heightened their susceptibility to victimization. In contrast, Suma and Sheuly (pseudonyms) received affection, care, and support, and their families provided them with a suitable atmosphere for their livelihood. However, both individuals become trapped by human traffickers in pursuit of an improved standard of living and to provide financial support for their families.

Organized trafficking group’s active role

Human trafficking is a complex phenomenon that involves the collaboration of multiple actors rather than being solely perpetrated by an individual. The process of trafficking necessitates the involvement of various groups of individuals to achieve its objectives. In this particular procedure, organized or syndicated groups collaborate as a cohesive unit, with certain members operating at the field level to identify and target vulnerable victims, while others establish rapport and entice them with appealing incentives. Additionally, some members are responsible for facilitating the transfer process. According to Sarkar and Panday's (2006) research, the interconnectivity among traffickers is notably robust in South Asian nations. Specific individuals assisted individuals in border regions, while others ultimately surrendered the victims to the receiving nation for exploitation. Throughout the process, all members involved in the trafficking operation actively participated and demonstrated motivation toward achieving specific objectives. The present investigation observed that no twelve victims were subjected to trafficking by a sole perpetrator. The majority of the victims were subjected to trafficking by organized groups in which both males and females were equally involved throughout the entire process. The trafficking organization cooperated well in various settings, including field operations, border regions, and destination countries.

Rita’s story was introduced to illustrate the involvement of organized networks in the entire trafficking process. In Rita's (pseudonym) instance, she was ensnared by traffickers using social media, who maintained regular physical and online communication with her. The whole trafficking syndicate was monitoring her. Rita expressed that,

“From the outset, they upheld effective communication via social media.” Hridoy Babu constantly contacted me over Facebook Messenger and eventually obtained my cellphone number. He established a strong friendship with me, and we met in person numerous times. Additional members of the trafficking organization monitored my everyday activities.

They demonstrated excellent coordination in establishing rapport and facilitating her transfer at the border, across the border, and in the destination countries. The presence of middlemen at the border enables and expedites cross-border trafficking. The trafficking gang had a high level of coordination and worked cohesively as a team.

Fake promise of job ended up in sexual exploitation

The study's participants were exclusively individuals subjected to trafficking for sexual exploitation in India. Out of the twelve study participants, most of the eight were attracted by the prospect of high remuneration or an improved standard of living. According to Sarkar and Panday's (2006) study on human trafficking, it was found that the act is commonly associated with fraudulent offers of job opportunities, dowry-free marriages, or an improved standard of living, particularly in cross-border contexts. According to Amin's (2011) research, traffickers in South Asia entice their victims with promises such as lucrative job offers, glamorous employment prospects, financial prosperity, and marriage. Insufficient employment prospects and inadequate safety measures render young women susceptible to trafficking, as deceitful alternative employment prospects entice them. The potential for trafficking in Bangladesh is heightened by the allure of a better life, even for women residing in conditions of severe poverty, as posited by Hoq et al., (2013).

The Routine Activity theory of Criminology can provide a more comprehensive understanding of this scenario. As per the criminological theory, the perpetration of any criminal act necessitates the confluence of three key components: a vulnerable target, a motivated offender, and a dearth of effective guardianship. Traffickers often target vulnerable women who lack opportunities and seek employment. Moreover, the substantial financial gains that can be obtained in a relatively brief timeframe have been identified as a critical motivating factor for traffickers due to the elevated expectations of adolescent females within the commercial sex trade (Jang et al., 2024; Okeke et al., 2021). Moreover, the inadequacy of border security surveillance occasionally affords perpetrators the opportunity to perpetrate such crimes, which can be seen as a deficiency in effective guardianship (Islam & Hossain, 2014).

One of the participants in the study, identified by the pseudonym Tanu, expressed that,

"I trusted each and everything said to me by the traffickers. I communicated with my aunt, who used to live in Mumbai, to know about the job field, and she forbade me to go to India and also mentioned the scarcity of jobs in India. But I did not trust her and agreed to go there, which was a great mistake, and I have fallen into the trap of traffickers."

Despite being warned by her aunt, Tanu (pseudonym) went against the restriction and decided to head India. Since she was tortured by her husband at home, she became vulnerable and wanted to escape from her present life. Additionally, she assumed that her lack of educational qualifications and limited professional skills were insufficient to secure an employment opportunity for her livelihood in Bangladesh.

Economic vulnerability makes women more trafficking prone

The present study reveals that all individuals who fell victim to women trafficking encountered many challenges concerning their personal and socio-economic circumstances. All twelve participants reported experiencing an economic crisis while being trafficked. A study on human trafficking has identified similarities with the research outcomes. The literature suggests that individuals may be coerced into or voluntarily engage in trafficking due to economic difficulties or abusive domestic circumstances (Rahman, 2011). Out of the twelve surveyed participants, a majority of seven individuals were unemployed during the specified time frame and actively seeking employment opportunities regardless of the circumstances. One of the participants in this study, named Sheuly (pseudo name), stated that,

“My family went through an extreme crisis. As an elder daughter of my family, I wanted to contribute to my family. So, I tried everything to get a job but failed each time.”

In the case of Tanu (pseudo name), her husband was jobless, and he was also a drug addict. He continuously tortured her for money. She said,

“My husband tortured me for money both physically and mentally. He had a strong addiction to drugs, and he was jobless. Day by day situation became complex and I was tired of everything.”

Another study respondent, Rita (pseudo name), worked in a super shop and suddenly lost her job. Her father's health condition was not good during that period, and she needed money at any cost within a short period. She said,

“My father was ill and he was the only earner of my family. I also lost my job few months earlier. We were in extreme crisis situation and I was ready to do anything to support my family.”

The socio-economic status of young women and girls in our society often marginalizes them. Marginalized groups are often vulnerable to being targeted by offenders due to the reduced likelihood of the offense being detected, which can hinder investigative efforts. The susceptibility and reliance of individuals render them appealing targets for perpetrators.

Use of digital platforms and social media to recruit victims

Currently, human traffickers are not limited to conventional methods of trafficking individuals. The modus operandi of trafficking are constantly evolving, with an increasing reliance on digital platforms and social media to recruit victims. According to a report by Aljazeera News, several months ago, 11 traffickers were apprehended in the Dhaka Metropolitan region. These individuals were found to be enticing women and girls into the sex industry of India through social media platforms. Four of the twelve participants under investigation were explicitly singled out through social media platforms. In addition, the perpetrators utilized the Facebook profiles of their targets to gain a comprehensive understanding of their individual and communal circumstances. The perpetrators of human trafficking have been known to establish a strong rapport with their victims through social media. All individuals recruited via social media were actively seeking stable employment opportunities at that time. Victims inadvertently disclosed their personal information to traffickers while utilizing social media.

Moreover, individuals who had fallen victim to trafficking were utilizing social media platforms to seek employment opportunities, rendering them vulnerable targets for traffickers. The perpetrators of trafficking were driven by the prospect of significant financial gain and maintained regular communication with their victims. Due to the utilization of social media to communicate between traffickers and victims, there was a lack of effective oversight to intervene in the process. The Routine Activity theory of criminology identifies three critical components: a suitable target, a motivated offender, and a lack of guardianship, as the fundamental elements contributing to criminal activity. One of the participants in the study, identified by the pseudonym Shafali, expressed that,

“In the present context, Facebook and social media is a reliable platform for searching a job. I thought it would be easier if I posted on those groups of social media. Many of them responded immediately and offered me jobs as well. Among them a middle aged man named Hridoy offered me to work in a super shop or in a beauty parlor. He also mentioned that, he helped several girls from Bangladesh and they also working there. He frequently called me through Facebook messenger and kept updates of my every steps.”

Insecure border, corruption of security forces, and tridimensional nexus in the border area

The present study reveals that all the individuals subjected to trafficking were transported to the adjacent nation of India, with the traffickers utilizing both the Benapole and Shatkhira borders as a conduit for their illicit activities. Out of the twelve participants in the study, it was found that nine of them could cross the border without encountering any restrictions from either the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) or the Border Security Force (BSF). This scenario clearly addressed the third component of Routine Activity Theory: "lack of proper guardianship." The lack of constraints from the border security force at such an insecure border facilitates the trafficking process. Moreover, it is common for traffickers to establish communication with the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) to obtain clearance when keeping their victims in residences near the border. One of the participants in the study, identified as Sristy (a pseudonym), was reportedly confined in an apartment complex near the Shatkhira border, along with several other women and girls. During that time, it was observed that traffickers maintained robust communication with the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and Border Security Force (BSF). According to her statement,

“It was the most tensed moment. While all were prepared to close the border, traffickers frequently called security forces for the perfect period. We waited around 4 hours near borderline and border security forces willingly provided space to cross the border. All the incidents were preplanned and traffickers offered a minimum amount of money for each person.”

Marzia and Faria, both pseudonyms, were detained by the Border Guard Bangladesh in the vicinity of the Benapol border region. The traffickers involved in their situation were able to evade capture. However, a regional political figure from Bangladesh successfully persuaded the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) that the aforementioned individuals were closely related to him, resulting in their rescue. Moreover, he relinquished them to the individuals involved in trafficking. During the inquiry, the individual identified as Marzia (pseudonym) provided the following statement regarding the incident.

“Traffickers maintain a strong bonding and communication with the political leaders and local councilors near the border area. Even they maintain a strong affiliation with low enforcement agencies. Most of the time, they easily cross the border without difficulties. Exchange of money is a common issue among political leaders, traffickers and border security forces.”

Victimization of the trafficking victims

The act of trafficking is a severe infringement upon the fundamental human rights and dignity of individuals, and it carries with it a multitude of repercussions that extend beyond the individual level to affect families, communities, and even entire nations. One could posit that trafficking represents a component of a broader spectrum of sexual exploitation that serves to sustain and reinforce the subordinate position of women, as suggested by Gazi et al. (2001). According to Amin (2011), individuals who fall prey to human trafficking are subjected to various forms of maltreatment, such as physical and emotional abuse, sexual assault, coercion, and even mortality. According to Hossain and Nepa (2019), individuals who fall prey to human trafficking are subjected to coercion, completely losing their freedom and dignity. Moreover, individuals who fall victim to trafficking are denied the chance to pursue academic endeavors and cultivate their social and cognitive abilities, impeding their ability to reach their maximum potential. According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in 2002, individuals who fall victim to human trafficking experience significant negative impacts on their sexual, reproductive, and psychological well-being. Additionally, this practice impedes their potential for personal growth and development and infringes upon their fundamental human rights.

Physical torture, gang rape, and inhaling drugs forcefully

The findings of this study indicate that a significant proportion of individuals who fell victim to human trafficking were subjected to severe forms of exploitation and physical maltreatment upon arrival in the host nation. All participants in this study were victims of human trafficking and were brought to India for sexual exploitation. Except Shafali (pseudonym), all twelve victims were effectively trafficked to various regions of India, either in apartment complexes or brothels. The victims were subjected to sexual assault, including gang rape and physical violence. Additionally, they were denied access to necessities such as food and water until they acquiesced to the demands of their traffickers. One participant in the study, identified by the pseudonym Monika, was subjected to severe torture while confined in an apartment building in Chennai. Initially, she was administered narcotics, after which she was subjected to sexual assault by a majority of four-fifths of the individuals involved.

Additionally, they captured photographs of her in a state of undress and coerced her by threatening to disclose said images to her relatives. Sumi (pseudonym) was subjected to trafficking and subsequently confined to an apartment complex in Gujarat. Upon her insistence to return home, she was subjected to brutal acts of torture by them. Despite suffering severe injuries, she received no medical treatment or medication. The World Health Organization (WHO) has reported that the most frequently reported health issues among individuals subjected to sex trafficking include fatigue, headache, sexual and reproductive health complications, back pain, and significant weight loss (World Health Organization, 2012). Tanu and Mariyam, pseudonyms used to protect their identities, were victims of human trafficking and subjected to a heinous gang rape perpetrated by their traffickers in Bangalore, India. According to the individual identified as Tanu (pseudonym),

“They forcefully injected drugs into our bodies and took nude photos and videos of our own. They raped us brutally and also threated us if we refuse to follow their instructions, they would send such photos and videos to our family members and social media. We were afraid and had no alternatives.”

In the case of Sristy (pseudo name), she was kept under surveillance and sent to several hotels, spa centers, and other residential areas to engage in sexual activities. She said,

“I was brutally raped several times and was kept locked under surveillance. I was not provided with necessary food, cloths, medicine and treatment. Further, I was sent to hotels, spa centers, and other residents for sexual intercourse. I had to deal 8–10 clients each day. While I became sick, never provided with proper treatment.”

One study about human trafficking suggests that improper supply of meals causes maltreatment to the victims, and poor living conditions contribute to the development of many infectious diseases (Ashraf, 2018). Rita (pseudo name) was trafficked to Bangalore in an apartment building, sexually abused, and gang-raped several times by the traffickers. Further, she was sent to the OYO hotel in Chennai for ten days and dealt with 19 clients on the first day. She said,

“In OYO hotel, I went through extreme sexual abuse and torture. On the first day, I had to deal with 19 clients who raped me brutally. Hotel authority forced me to deal with at least 30 clients daily, which was a deadly task. I became sick, and sent back to Bangalore. Further, I was sent to several spa centers and hotels to involve in sexual activities. Day by day, my health condition was deteriorating. They started torturing me brutally and decided to escape by any means, waiting for the slightest opportunities.”

Noyona (pseudo name) faced extreme physical torture while trafficked to India. In Hyderabad, she was beaten brutally, and traffickers injected drugs into her. Her movement was restricted, and she was not provided nutritious food, adequate clothes, necessary medicine, etc. She said,

“I had to follow their all instructions to avoid their brutal torture. They kept me locked all the time and I was strongly monitored while I was sent to hotels and spa centers. They used to beat me with iron bar and broke my hand at one stage. They never provided me good food, necessary clothing and or even any treatment. I was about to die and tried to escape by any means.”

Broken down mentally, fear, threat, and psychological abuse

Individuals subjected to women trafficking often experience various adverse psychological effects, such as diminished self-esteem, emotional instability, confusion, despondency, and lasting trauma. According to Ashraf (2018), individuals may experience profound psychological disturbances that could persist throughout their lifetime. Individuals who have been trafficked are often subjected to working conditions that pose a significant risk to both their mental and physical well-being. Upon being trafficked to India, victims were transported by traffickers to their intended destinations, where they were subjected to physical, sexual, and psychological exploitation. The perpetrators of trafficking often employed the tactic of threatening their victims with fatal harm. The victims lacked legal documentation such as passports, Indian visas, and other pertinent papers, causing heightened frustration. No lawful means existed to lodge a grievance against the perpetrators of human trafficking. Sarkar and Panday's (2006) research indicates that many women and children are subjected to trafficking upon arrival in the destination country, rendering them susceptible to exploitation due to their undocumented status.

Moreover, the traffickers intimidate them with the prospect of surrendering them to law enforcement authorities. Most subjects involved in the study experienced negative emotional states such as anger, stress, depression, and other forms of psychological distress. They were often sent to hotels, spa centers, and other residential establishments for sexual exploitation. The individuals were required to manage a workload of 5–10 clients daily, reducing their confidence and self-esteem. The respondents experienced significant disruptions to their daily lives due to the abusive situation, manifesting in various psychological disorders such as insomnia, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), hyperactivity, frequent headaches, vomiting, and skipping meals. Out of the total of twelve individuals who were studied, nine of them attributed their victimization to their actions or behaviors. The research conducted by Ashraf (2018) indicates that individuals subjected to women trafficking experience a range of adverse psychological outcomes, including diminished self-worth, emotional instability, confusion, depressive symptoms, and long-lasting trauma.

Additionally, individuals may experience profound psychological disturbances that persist even after they have been rescued. Sumi (pseudonym) experienced severe psychological distress, leading her to suicide. The individual made a statement.

“I was broken, upset, and also tensed about my situation. They frequently threatened me to kill if I disagreed with their proposal. I was always in a fearful situation. I couldn’t eat, sleep, or even behave normally with anyone. I couldn’t share my situation with anyone and my confidence became very low.”

In the case of Sheuly (pseudo name), she faced psychological pressure and other difficulties during the entire period in India. She said,

"It was a hard time for me. All the time, India was full of panic, fear, and uncertainty. Traffickers forced me to deal with many more clients, and I was psychologically down during that period. I started blaming myself at one stage and could not sleep at night. I was aggressive to everyone and couldn't trust anyone. I wanted to escape at any cost.

All the study victims faced psychological stress and experienced such a traumatic situation.

Victim blaming occurs in communities and even inside victims’ families

Although the research participants were assimilated into their respective communities, their initial encounters could have been better. The individuals in question were subjected to victim blaming, whereby members of the community raised concerns about their character and treated them in a manner akin to that of a prostitute. The community members enforced implicit limitations on their mobility, resulting in their seclusion from the broader populace. According to a study by Shamim and Kabir in 1997, the reintegration of women trafficking survivors into their communities is often met with disapproval and stigmatization, resulting in their exclusion from broader society. Upon Monika's reintegration into her community, there was an adverse reaction from the local populace toward her. Additionally, she experienced a loss of employment. She said,

“When I went outside from home, they saw me as if I was an alien. Besides, my friends and neighbor stopped talking with me and they often misbehaved with me. All of them blamed me for such condition. Nome of them showed any sort of sympathy or supported me.”

In Tanu's (pseudo name) case, community people misbehaved with her and blamed her. She said,

“I lost my societal position due to those incidents. People talked with me rarely and some of them arose question about my character. Going outside was embarrassing, and no one invited me to community gatherings. Family reputation in society was totally destroyed.”

In the case of Sumi (pseudo name), societal response towards her was unsatisfactory. She said,

“When I returned home, initially everything seemed changed to me. My friends and neighbors stared ignoring me and hold negative attitude towards me. Community people also blamed me and doubted about my character. None of them felt sorry for me and no one supported me reintegrating into community.”

Concerning the family response, most of the study participants expressed discontent with the response received from their families. While the repatriation process brought about a sense of happiness among the family members of the victims, it is noteworthy that some of them also attributed blame to the victims for the incidents. The individual experienced mistreatment and ostracism from their family and relatives in matters of familial affairs. Additionally, it was believed that incidents of this nature had resulted in a decline in families' reputations. Except Sumi (pseudonym), none of the other families of the victims exhibited any sympathy or support towards the affected individuals. In Tanu's case (a pseudonym used for anonymity), her relatives attributed responsibility for all events to her. The spouse desired separation and engaged in inappropriate conduct towards the individual. Mariyam (pseudonym) was subjected to frequent torture by her husband. Sristy (pseudonym) experienced the permanent loss of her family and subsequently relocated to reside with her parents. According to Monika, a participant in the study,

“As I am the survivor of human trafficking, my family members arose question about my character and doubted me all the time. Most of the time, I have to spend time in my room and family members talk with me rarely.”

In the case of Sumi (pseudo name), her parents and family supported her and never blamed her for anything. They believed Sumi (pseudo name) would come back strongly forgetting the past, and she would also be self-dependent. She said,

“After repatriating at home, my confidence level was very low and I was struggling to back in my normal life. I am grateful to my parents and family members who supported me in every situation and inspired me to return strongly. They provided with extra care, love and affection ever before and currently, I have joined a new job.”

Limitation and policy implication

The study encountered a number of challenges. Firstly, as the study is qualitative and conducted through an interpretative paradigm, evidence-based generalization and statistical results could not be drawn from the study. Due to the access, sensitivity and ethical issues of the subject, the researchers could not include more participants in this study.

The study only resulted from the interviews with the victims; the researchers are expected to include service providers such as criminal justice officials, government bodies, human rights organizations, and support providers for victims of trafficking in their future studies. This may enhance the researcher's ability to receive a constructive perspective from the participants to develop a policy to prevent such victimizations and help survivors with mechanisms to access justice services and reintegrate into society. While the government of Bangladesh and non-governmental organizations have taken steps to address trafficking by strengthening the legal instruments, increasing border security, and improving the process of returning the victims to the receiver country, however, the study suggests that there is still a need for improvement to combat the problem effectively.

Human trafficking often flourishes in environments where vulnerable populations lack adequate protection and oversight. This is particularly evident in regions characterized by high poverty levels, political instability, or weak legal frameworks (Farrell et al., 2019). By applying Routine Activity Theory (RAT), policymakers can focus on reducing the vulnerability of targets and enhancing guardianship. Addressing socioeconomic inequalities that make individuals susceptible to exploitation is a crucial step in minimizing the pool of suitable targets (Aronowitz, 2009). Initiatives aimed at poverty alleviation, education, and healthcare access can significantly decrease the likelihood of potential victims falling prey to traffickers.

Guardianship, another essential element of RAT, is vital in preventing human trafficking. A strong legal and law enforcement system can act as a guardian, deterring traffickers and safeguarding potential victims (Bouché, 2018). Policies that enhance law enforcement training, improve interagency coordination, and promote international cooperation are critical for strengthening protective measures against trafficking. For instance, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) in the United States highlights the importance of a multi-agency approach that integrates federal, state, and local law enforcement efforts to protect victims and prosecute traffickers (Clawson et al., 2006). Furthermore, increasing public awareness and community engagement can further bolster guardianship. Awareness campaigns can educate the public about the risks and signs of trafficking, empowering communities to act as informal guardians and report suspicious activities. These campaigns can be especially effective in high-risk areas where formal law enforcement presence may be limited (Logan et al., 2009).

The study concludes with the policy recommendation that the legal agencies of the state must keep an eye on the marginal girls and women of the society so that their vulnerable state does not make them easy victims of trafficking. In particular, the authority of the border control of both countries Bangladesh and India should increase their surveillance mechanism in the border area to prevent such incidents. The safety and security of survivors should be protected by the service providers, and job opportunities should be provided for them so that they can relocate into society and not feel further vulnerable. Mental support and counselling should be provided by the service providers and government on a long-term basis to come out from their past trauma and abuse.

Conclusion

The issue of human trafficking, particularly the trafficking of women and girls, is a significant concern worldwide including in Bangladesh (Moniruzzaman, 2021; Rahim, 2019). Human trafficking is a pervasive global issue that involves the exploitation of individuals for various forms of labor, including coerced prostitution, domestic servitude, bonded sweatshop labor, and slavery-like practices (Hoq et al., 2013; Susanu, 2019). Human trafficking has had a pervasive global impact, affecting a considerable number of individuals; no nation has been impervious to its consequences (Stănescu et al., 2023) This study provides a clear understanding of the contributing factors to women's trafficking in the current context of Bangladesh. The low socio-economic status of women, coupled with discrimination, dependence on men, limited access to education, and inadequate employment and skill development opportunities, are significant factors contributing to the victimization of women (Huda et al., 2022; Rahman, 2011). Moreover, inadequate support systems and dysfunctional family dynamics significantly influence the occurrence of women trafficking in Bangladesh (Rahman, 2011). In addition to the expansion of commercial sex industries and the tourism sector, the proliferation of pornography sites and illegal sex trade have resulted in a significant demand for the exploitation of young women and girls. Contemporary trafficking organizations exhibit a high degree of organization in their networking endeavors, primarily leveraging digital platforms and social media to recruit victims (Fraser, 2016) Moreover, the intricate tridimensional interconnection between traffickers, security forces, and politicians has resulted in a heightened level of complexity in the trafficking process, thereby rendering it largely imperceptible.

Individuals who have been subjected to women trafficking experience severe forms of physical and psychological maltreatment in the countries of their destination (Krushas & Kulig, 2023) Women are subjected to sexual assault, including gang rape, physical violence, and severe torture, often involving the use of drugs (Amin, 2011). In many instances, individuals are not furnished with essential sustenance, acceptable attire, suitable sleeping accommodations, fundamental medical attention, or necessary medication as needed. Moreover, the aforementioned abusive circumstances impeded the daily lives of the individuals, resulting in various psychological disorders such as insomnia, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), hyperactivity, frequent headaches, vomiting, and skipping meals, which were reported by most of the participants ((Ashraf, 2018; Pascale et al., 2023). Following their repatriation, many women trafficking victims experience stigmatization and blame from their families and community members, resulting in reduced self-esteem, confidence, and limited opportunities for successful reintegration (Niumai & Rajesh, 2022) Victims of women trafficking should receive comprehensive support, including emotional care and assistance, from their immediate family and the wider community, in all circumstances. Governmental bodies, non-governmental organizations, and members of the community must collaborate in order to facilitate the successful reintegration and overall improvement of victims of trafficking.